Monday, September 7, 2026
70 The Roman army under General Titus occupied and plundered Jerusalem.
1812 Battle of Borodino: Napoleon won a pyrrhic victory against Russia in the most ferocious battle of the Napoleonic era; 70,000 were killed
1940 Beginning of the Blitz as the Luftwaffe bombed London for the 1st of 57 consecutive nights, losing 41 bombers as the Nazis prepared to invade Britain
1963 American Bandstand moved to California
1986 Desmond Tutu became the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town
2019 Donald Trump said he had canceled a secret meeting with the Taliban for peace talks at Camp David
In bed at 9:15, up at 4:40, rested for 'vitals' till 5, but w/ intense back/right flank pain & BP at 160, back to bed till 5:30 till pain abated; 0540 203.4 120/71/61 118; 59/75/59, mostly sunny.
Morning meds at 2:15 p.m. Entresto at 6:15 a.m. and p.m.
LTMW at 7:30, I see chickadees, finches, sparrows, cardinals, doves, and woodpeckers feasting at our feeders, while beyond, the front lawn glistens with thousands of blades of grass twinkling with tiny drops of dew, looking like a field of diamonds.
Every Effort. I have often written in these pages about the harm the US visited upon the Vietnamese people, most of whom were peasants who feared both the VC and the Saigon government. Thus, I found on page 216 of Barbara's book an interesting article by Joseph Lelyveld in the New York Times Magazine on October 3, 1971:
Since President Nixon took to decrying the mistreatment of prisoners, the list of imprisoned and missing men has lengthened by more than 300 . . . It has been the distinquishing characteristic of the outcry in this country over the prisoners of war and their suffering families that it has gone on in nearly perfect abstraction from other facts about the war and even as an escape from them -- My Lai, the free-fire zones, bombing, napalm, defoliation, relocation programs, the toll among the Vietnamese. Much has legitimately been said about the Geneva Convention on the Treatment of Prisoners of War, little about the Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilians. . .
The title of his article was "POWa: Missing or Dead”.
I did some searching on ChatGPT and found this:
This was a very long search of many digitized records in many locations, but I was most interested in this:What Lelyveld was really writing about
It wasn't primarily an exposé of torture in North Vietnamese prisons. It was an examination of the American POW/MIA families movement and its increasingly complicated relationship with the Nixon administration.
That distinction is important. Lelyveld was examining several intertwined questions: What actually was known about the treatment of American prisoners? How many of the men listed as MIA were probably dead rather than prisoners? How were wives and other relatives coping with years of uncertainty? And to what extent had the Nixon administration encouraged the POW issue as a means of building public support for its Vietnam policy?
His conclusion about the last question was quite nuanced. As later historians quote him, Lelyveld concluded that the Nixon administration “did not start—and probably could not have prevented—the campaign by the wives,” but that there was no doubt the administration “helped orchestrate their efforts.”
That is significant because the Nixon administration had deliberately changed American policy. Earlier, families had generally been encouraged to maintain a low profile out of fear that publicity might worsen the prisoners' treatment. Beginning in 1969, Nixon officials instead encouraged families to speak publicly about North Vietnam's treatment of POWs. The State and Defense Departments conducted a 20-city tour briefing about 1,400 POW/MIA relatives, helping connect previously scattered family groups into a national movement.
The difficult MIA question
The title “POW's—Missing or Dead?” gets at one of Lelyveld's most uncomfortable subjects. Families understandably resisted assuming that a missing husband, son or brother was dead when no body had been recovered. But the government's public rhetoric increasingly tended to blur the distinction between known POWs and MIAs whose fate was unknown.
That could create the impression that North Vietnam was secretly holding very large numbers of American prisoners. In reality, many MIA cases involved aircraft that had been seen crashing or exploding under circumstances in which survival was improbable, although there was no recoverable body or eyewitness confirmation of death.
This subsequently became one of the central controversies surrounding the POW/MIA issue: When does refusing to declare a missing man dead preserve legitimate hope, and when does it create false hope for his family?
Treatment of the prisoners
Lelyveld did not suggest that reports of mistreatment were simply propaganda. American POWs had indeed experienced beatings, torture, prolonged isolation, inadequate food and medical treatment, and coercion intended to produce statements or confessions. By 1971, considerable evidence about such treatment had emerged.
But the political question was different: the Nixon administration made the mistreatment of American POWs a major public issue, while simultaneously using the POWs as part of its argument for continuing the war and insisting that withdrawal had to be accompanied by release of American prisoners.
That produced a division among the families themselves.
The dominant organization became the National League of Families of American Prisoners and Missing in Southeast Asia, which generally supported the administration's strategy of maintaining pressure on Hanoi.
A dissident organization, Families for Immediate Release, argued essentially the opposite: that continuing the war was prolonging the men's captivity and that the surest way to bring them home was to end American involvement in Vietnam. Contemporary reporting documents considerable conflict between these groups. [This was Barbara's group, with her a leader.]
One notable participant in the dissident movement was Delia Alvarez, sister of Navy pilot Everett Alvarez Jr., who had been captured in 1964 and ultimately became the second-longest-held American POW. She even appeared with Jane Fonda on The Merv Griffin Show in April 1971.
Why the article is historically interesting
Reading Lelyveld from the vantage point of 1971 is different from reading later accounts of the POWs.
He was writing before Operation Homecoming, when nobody knew how this would end. The 591 prisoners who eventually returned in early 1973 had not yet come home to describe their experiences. Families genuinely did not know whether missing men were alive, dead, prisoners whose existence Hanoi had concealed, or men whose remains might someday be found.
And Lelyveld was writing at precisely the point when “POW/MIA” was becoming a single powerful phrase in American political culture, even though POW and MIA represented quite different factual situations.
That may be why the article interested you. For someone who had actually served in Vietnam and knew men who subsequently became casualties or MIAs, the uncertainty Lelyveld was describing wasn't an abstraction. A pilot could simply fail to return from a mission, and “missing” described the limits of what anyone actually knew, rather than necessarily indicating that he had been captured.
There is one further avenue that might be particularly worthwhile: I* can look closely at the full Congressional Record reprint and reconstruct Lelyveld's discussion of what families were told about the likelihood that particular MIAs were dead. That bears rather directly on cases such as Marine aviators lost over Laos, where there might be compelling circumstantial evidence of death but no remains. *The "I" here is the constellation of algorithms constituting ChatGPT, not a person.]
Beginning in 1995, joint U.S.-Vietnamese teams interviewed former members of the North Vietnamese 10th AAA Battalion, which had been operating near Ban Ka Tok.Their accounts contain striking similarities.In August 1995, former battalion commander Bui Minh Tan recalled an aircraft being shot down around April or May 1966. He said the pilot ejected and landed in a tree, and that his men found the body three days later and buried it.Another former officer, Tran Van Duc, specifically remembered April 29, 1966. He said several aircraft were shot down, that one pilot parachuted down about 300 meters from the unit, and that troops subsequently found and buried the pilot. Most intriguingly, he remembered that they found a beeper on the body. The American analyst noted the obvious possibility that this was the beacon SAR aircraft had heard in 1966.Another former battalion officer, Luu Van Mao, remembered an incident in approximately April 1966 in which an American pilot ejected, came down several kilometers away, and was found dead four days later, still wearing his parachute.By 1999 the accounts became more specific—and more clearly connected to Mullen.Hoang Dinh Than said the incident occurred on April 29, 1966. He said the battalion searched for three days and found the pilot's body in a tree, impaled by a branch. Among the personal effects were maps, watch, compass, money and an identification card. Than remembered the name approximately as “Captain Moo-len or Moo-low.”Nguyen Van Hung also remembered April 29. He said the aircraft caught fire and crashed several kilometers away and that troops found the dead pilot three or four days later, entangled in his parachute.Pham Hang Hai remembered an A-4 being shot down, the pilot ejecting, and the body being discovered three days later. He recalled equipment bearing the designation “A-4” and the rank “Captain.”And Le Duc Viet said he personally participated in the search. He remembered finding the pilot's body three days later at the bottom of a tree, still wearing the parachute. His party collected a revolver, knife, blood chit, receiver, survival gear, map and watch before burying him nearby.Eventually several of these veterans accompanied investigators into Laos and identified what they believed was the burial area. By October 1999 investigators thought they had located a potential gravesite near XD 1261 9184 and recommended excavation.How much weight should we give testimony collected 29–33 years later? This requires caution.Individual memories after three decades can be wrong. The witnesses disagreed about aircraft types, the number of aircraft shot down, precisely where the pilot landed, whether his parachute opened properly, and exactly how he died. Some testimony was hearsay rather than firsthand. The Defense Department itself cautioned that several aircraft had been shot down in the area, creating a possibility that witnesses were conflating different incidents.But there is an important difference between saying one witness remembered this thirty years later and what we have here.There were multiple former members of the same antiaircraft battalion, interviewed at different times, giving accounts that overlap on several unusual details:an American aircraft was shot down around April 29, 1966 → the pilot ejected → came down near their position → remained missing for several days → was found dead with or near his parachute → survival/personal equipment was recovered → the body was buried locally.And eventually one witness remembered a name resembling Mullen, while others remembered details consistent with an A-4 flown by a captain.That convergence substantially strengthens the evidence.The particularly interesting connection: the beeperTo me, this is where the two independent bodies of evidence become most persuasive.In 1966, American SAR crews recorded an emergency beacon coming from the area. They approached it repeatedly and were fired upon. They lost the beacon that night and never heard it again the next morning.Nearly thirty years later, a former North Vietnamese officer told investigators that his troops found a beeper on the dead pilot.If that testimony genuinely concerns Mullen—and that remains an if—it provides a remarkably coherent explanation of the 1966 evidence.It could mean that the Americans were in fact hearing Mullen's survival radio, but that Mullen himself was unable to answer.
More than 280 Americans remain unaccounted for in Laos. The Peace Agreement in 1973 was signed on behalf of the governments of the U.S., South Vietnam, North Vietnam, and the VC. It did not include the government of Laos, where so many American airmen had been shot down, with some declared KIAs, but many, like Bill "Moon" Mullen, declared MIAs and unaccounted for.
Back to the book, I teared up a little as I read this on p.235:
It had been a clear auturmn night like this in 1959 when Bill took me to that first Marine Corps birthday ball . . . at Iwakuni Marine Corps Air Station in southern Japan. . . .A Japanese band accompanied a sultry American vocalist who sang "Love Me Tender" ' just for us, we were sure. Before the evening was out, Bill had taken her place at the microphone. He strained for the high clear notes: "Danny Boy, the pipes, the pipes . . . A hush had come over the hangar by the time he reached the second verse: "I'll come and find the place where you are lying. . ."
Barbara understandingly didn't include the full lyrics, which Bill always sang:
But when ye come, and all th e flowers are dying,
If I am dead, as dead I well may be,
Ye'll come and find the place where I am lying,
And kneel and say an Ave there for me.
Today's will be my longest daily journal because I've reprinted the long AI information re "Moon" Mullen, and the following long reprint from a year ago this date, incorporating some of my memoir:
The Un-Orthodox. I took a break from dealing with the basement to watch episode 3 of this series on Netflix. It is painful to watch the suffering of the young woman protagonist of the series. Much of it flowed from her inability to experience sexual intercourse without pain, and the failure to get pregnant and produce a child, a scandal in their ultra-orthodox Jewish community, which viewed itself as reproducing the 6 million Jews lost in the Holocaust. It reminded of my parents. From my memoir:
Until I wrote these memoirs, I never thought in any focused way about the first years of my parents’ marriage. I knew that they were very young and that they were working class people with little money. I knew they lived in very modest circumstances. I assumed that they were reasonably happy until my father returned from the war. I have come to question that assumption.
Since I started this writing project, I have learned that my father was jealous of my mother, that sexual intimacy was painful for my mother, that my father worked in a war industry and could have, but did not, request a draft deferment, and that my mother wrote to him very seldom while he was away. These perhaps unrelated facts hardly lead inexorably to any conclusion about their marriage, but they support – though inconclusively – a hypothesis that the marriage was strained before my father left for the Marines in early 1944.
The jealousy matter does not come as a total surprise. My mother was pretty, full of life, vivacious and outgoing, with many friends and an openness to new friendships. She sang, she danced, she smiled and laughed easily. People liked her, both men and women, and she generally liked them back. My father, on the other hand, was then, as he is now, shy and unsure of himself in social settings other than the familiar. He came from a family to whom laughter and joyfulness and openness to life did not come easily. If my paternal grandparents had any personal friends other than one neighbor from across the alley, I never saw them or heard them spoken of. It is not surprising that my father had a pinched and rather sour view of life and I suspect that his attraction to my mother was based in large part on the fact that she did not look at life through the same myopic lenses he did. His friends in his adulthood were, with few exceptions, friends from his youth in Englewood: Chubby and Al Hawes, Al Braley, and Don and ‘Toots’ Rashcka. Beer was his lubricant and catalyst for social interactions. His zones of social interaction were family gatherings (i.e., with his parents and sister), get-togethers with the friends from ‘the old neighborhood,’ and familiar taverns. His only good friends, not from his childhood, were Marty and Marie Rohan, fellow habitués of Andy’s North Pole Tavern. Considering their profoundly different personalities, it is not surprising that what my father found attractive in my mother before their marriage, he found threatening after their marriage, especially after the two years of separation due to his conscription. Jealousy and mature, loving relationships are mutually exclusive, which suggests to me that the marriage was challenged from the beginning.
The painful intercourse matter could be a problem in any marriage, of course, but a much bigger problem in a marriage in which the male is young, insecure, and jealous. Painful physical intimacy can lead to feelings of rejection and inadequacy on the part of the male, contributing to the problem of jealousy. Was this the case with my mother and father? I can only guess, but my guess is that it was. My father, like most insecure people, was prone to resentments, i.e., to taking things personally. He had a habit of saying “I resent that,” where other people might say “That bugs me,” or “I hate that,” or “That really pisses me off.” For example, high prices for goods or services he would “resent.” For a long time, I thought he was simply using the term loosely and incorrectly, but on reflection, I think he may have been using the term accurately. He never had much money but this fact was attributable mostly to his own behaviors, e.g., dropping out of high school when he didn’t have to, never getting a GED or further education or training, though it was available, and alcoholism, all compounded by the effects of PTSD after the war. The high cost of restaurant meals, for example, for him may have been a reminder of his inability to pay the cost easily which causes him ‘resent’ the prices, to take personally what others would shrug off, perhaps disgustedly or even angrily but not resentfully. With such a husband, having a physical problem that could be interpreted as rejection could also earn one resentment. So could popularity and sociability.
Of the 16,000,000 men who served in the military during World War II, 6,000,000 were volunteers and 10,000,000 were draftees. The draft began in October 1940, a couple of months after my parents married. The term of service was 12 months, but that changed after the war started. All men between 18 and 45 were eligible for military service, but occupational and hardship deferments were available. Farmers, auto workers, munitions workers, and many others whose work was important to the war effort were not drafted. My father’s job at Johnson & Johnson was making sanitary dressings for combat wounds; he was employed in a war industry. He had one small child and, after November 1943, another on the way. When I asked him recently why he didn’t apply for a draft deferment, occupational or hardship or both, he just shrugged. Was his passivity prompted by patriotism or something else? It may have been patriotism, of course; there was of lot of it afoot during the war, and there is no reason to think that he was any less patriotic than the next guy. It may have been pride and a fear of being considered a ‘shirker,’ one who failed, as the Irish would have said, to “do his bit” while others were fighting and dying. It also may have been, however, at least in part, a desire to get away, to escape the responsibilities of married life and fatherhood. He had just turned 23 when Kitty was conceived and he was to be the father of two by age 24. Did he want to get away, to live among other young men, with no wife or children about? It certainly would not have been an unusual desire for one who had married and become a parent at so young an age. If he didn’t desire to be drafted, for whatever reason or reasons, why did he not seek an occupational or hardship deferment, like hundreds of thousands of other draft-age men? Did he and my mother discuss the possibility of deferment, especially when she became pregnant with Kitty? As it was, when he was drafted, she was left at age 22 with me 2½ years old, and Kitty on the way, and precious few resources to rely on. Could either patriotism or pride make up for the difficult situation she was in? Was he using the draft as a way to run away from responsibilities, rather like walking away from the responsibilities of high school to make a few bucks as an unskilled worker? If so, each decision represented seizing on a short-term solution to an immediate frustration, with long-term negative consequences. Though I am only guessing on the basis of very inadequate evidence, and perhaps projecting, my best guess is that that was what was going on between my parents in 1944.
My guess about my father’s draft status is supported by the knowledge, based on my father’s statement to Geri that my mother seldom wrote him during his service. Neither my father nor my mother was a letter writer, but that would not explain long periods of silence from her. She was too responsible and loyal to everybody close to her for her to ignore her husband once he was gone unless perhaps she believed herself to have been abandoned by him, left in the lurch with a toddler and a baby on the way by an immature and selfish husband. Perhaps it is only my loyalty to my mother that causes me to put this ‘spin’ on the scant evidence available to me, but I don’t think so. All of her actions after the war and for the rest of her life demonstrated beyond question what kind of person she was; there was no way she would have ignored her husband after he was drafted unless she believed that he had walked out on her, with the local draft board providing the cover. (Another possibility, of course, is that my father overstates the lack of mail issue but, whatever his faults and weaknesses, I have never known him to be anything other than truthful and I take him at his word.)
If the parting at the beginning of 1944 was beset with troubles, the reunion at the end of 1945 must have been even more so. My parents had been separated almost two years with little communication, my father was suffering from PTSD compounded undoubtedly by anger and resentment about the paucity of letters and further compounded by rampant alcoholism. The man who returned from the war was not the man who left and the family he left was not the family he came home to. At my age, I would have had virtually no memory of him from two years earlier and Kitty at 15 months of age had never seen him. He was a stranger to us and, especially in his condition, undoubtedly an unwelcome intruder into our home and our hitherto uncomplicated relationship with our mother.
Even without the PTSD, his relationship with my mother must have been terribly strained. With the PTSD and the drinking and the living in the basement shoebox, the situation must have been at times nearly intolerable. For him, the insecurity and jealousy problems must have been doubled and redoubled by the lengthy separation and lack of letters. For her, the challenges of raising two little kids with hardly any money were compounded by having an angry, resentful, sullen, withdrawn, beer-benumbed husband to deal with.
His haven was the North Pole Tavern with other drinkers. I don’t know where my mother found a haven, perhaps with our good next-door neighbor, Ann Semrau. I doubt that she found much succor with the other Clausens, since (1) they were dealing with Monica’s divorce and the need to raise her three small children without help from their father, and (2) my father may have poisoned the well, especially with his mother, with complaints about my mother’s not writing. I believe my grandmother had little if any, affection for my mother ever. Late in her life, my mother returned from one trip to Florida with my father to visit his parents and told Kitty that she would never return. Grandma Clausen had had too much to drink one day or evening and laid into my mother. It hadn’t been the first time this had happened, but my mother was resolved that it would be the last.
While I was writing these reflections, I watched an interview of Larry McMurtry on CBS Sunday Morning. He was discussing his writing the screenplay of Brokeback Mountain. One of his observations seems apt here:
Life is not for sissies. You need strength. Love is not easy. It’s not easy if you find it. It’s not easy if you don’t find it. It’s not easy if you find it but it doesn’t work out. The strong survive, but not everybody is “the strong” and many people don’t.
In another interview of a woman whose identity I can’t recall, she reported being very unhappy about some event or condition in her life. Her mother told her: “Look, daughter, being happy is hard work. Get to it. Shape up!” She was right.
I have mentioned before that I don’t remember any friends visiting us in the basement apartment, other than one visit by my father’s Marine Corps buddy, Theron (Mac) McClain. Not even Chubby Hawes or Al Braley. Other than Grandpa Dennis and Uncle Jim, I don’t remember any family members coming to our home. Not even Grandpa or Grandma Clausen or Aunt Monica. It wouldn’t have been the waterbugs or the hot water pipes or the cramped space that kept people away, but rather the tension within the space, the persistent unhappiness.
At Passover seders, Jews sing a prayer of thanksgiving called Dayenu, a Hebrew expression meaning “it would have been enough.” The dayenu verses relate 15 great blessings God conferred on the Hebrews, after each one acknowledging dayenu, it would have been enough, though yet another blessing followed. “Had he (only) brought us forth from Egypt, and not (also) destroyed their idols, Dayenu, it would have been enough for us.” Dayenu can also be used negatively and sarcastically in referring to misfortunes piled on misfortunes. I am reminded of dayenu in writing that Iwo Jima was enough to extinguish joy in my father’s life. It would have been enough. As it turned out, a brutal crime against my mother in 1947 completed the job.
Reading these words that I wrote 20 or more years ago is painful. They remind me of the saying, attributed to Robin Williams, "Everyone you meet is fighting a battle you know nothing about." I like the saying and believe it is packed with wisdom. We don't know one another, even those we think we know well. We don't know their history, all the forces and conditions that contributed to the person we think we now know. Most of all, we don't know our own parents, or even our own siblings, though I suspect that it may be our siblings that we know best of all. I stress "may be." I have never been closer to anyone, except perhaps Geri, than I was to my sister Kitty, but I learned only when we were in our late 50s or early 60s that she had been molested by our maternal grandfather when she was a child. It happened once and wasn't repeated. I don't know how he molested her; she didn't say, and I didn't ask. It was probably some "inappropriate" touching, but it frightened her, she resisted, and he stopped. She never told our mother, and she told me only after reading my memoir, which turned out to be distressing and painful for her. How much else about her life did I never know, and she about my life? Bill Clinton was famous for telling voters, "I feel your pain." Pain is personal. We can sympathize, we can empathize, but we can't feel another's pain. The chances are great that we don't even know of the pain.











