Wednesday, October 10, 2007
Email to Maureen Dowd at NYTimers May 2, 2007 re her column “Slam’s Silence” I have long thought it a defect in the American character that we rarely, indeed almost never, hear of a resignation from government because of a serious disagreement over important policy decisions. I'm not sure if it is still the case, but not long ago it wasn't all that uncommon to read of a British minister, or one on the Continent, resigning because of a disagreement with leadership of his government. In America, such an act is viewed as "quitting," or "showboating," or "not being a team player," or the worst, "being disloyal." This of course represents a terribly perverted and rather fascistic notion of "loyalty," something akin to the child's game of "follow the leader." Assuming there are many men and women of conscience serving in government, think of how many should have resigned as a matter of principle as Bush and Cheney and Rumsfeld led the country ever deeper into the abyss and what effect such resignations might have had in alerting the public to what was really going on behind all the lies.
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The 70-percent vs George W. Bush, President
There is a sort of enthusiasm in all projectors, absolutely necessary for their affairs, which makes them proof against the most fatiguing delays, the most mortifying disappointments, the most shocking insults; and, what is severer than all, the presumptuous judgement of the ignorant upon their designs.
- Edmund Burke
An account of the European Settlements in America, pp. 19-20, in The Works of Edmund Burke in Nine Volumes, Vol. IX. Boston: Little, Brown, 1839.
Iraq
[ America ], gentlemen say, is a noble object. It is an object well worth fighting for. Certainly it is, if fighting a people be the best way of gaining them. Gentlemen in this respect will be led to their choice of means by their complexions and their habits. Those who understand the military art will of course have some predilection for it. Those who wield the thunder of the state may have more confidence in the efficacy of arms. But I confess, possibly for want of this knowledge, my opinion is much more in favor of prudent management than of force; considering force not as an odious, but a feeble instrument for preserving a people so numerous, so active, so growing, so spirited as this, in a profitable and subordinate connection with us.
First, Sir, permit me to observe that the use of force alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a moment, but it does not remove the necessity of subduing again; and a nation is not governed which is perpetually to be conquered.
My next objection is its uncertainty. Terror is not always the effect of force, and an armament is not a victory. If you do not succeed, you are without resource; for, conciliation failing, force remains; but, force failing, no further hope of reconciliation is left. Power and authority are sometimes bought by kindness; but they can never be begged as alms by an impoverished and defeated violence.
A further objection to force is, that you impair the object by your very endeavors to preserve it. The thing you fought for is not the thing which you recover; but depreciated, sunk, wasted, and consumed in the contest.
- Edmund Burke
On moving his resolutions for conciliation with the colonies. House of Commons, March 22, 1775
http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/5655
More Burke, http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Edmund+Burke
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What to do when sweet reasonableness fails?
http://govtwork.home.att.net/
'horsec'
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